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| Only two things are infinite, the universe and human stupidity, and I'm not sure about the former. Albert Einstein |
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| FEATURED EDITORIALS |
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| NADIM BASHIR GEMAYEL When hearing Nadim Bashir Gemayel's voice, we are automatically reminded of the brave leader, Bashir Gemayel, and an era of Christian strengths, unity and pride. However, after the nostalgia subsides, a serious question arises. Can Nadim truly bring back the "hope" lost with the death of his father in 1982? In order to reach a comprehensive and logical answer, we must compare our conditions today to that of the conditions and days of Bashir Gemayel. First, in 1975, when Bashir began his political and military venture, the Christians and Lebanon were under Syrian and Palestinian constant bombardment. These attacks threatened the survival of the Christians and the existence of the Lebanese State. Ordinary people were being kidnapped, raped, and killed and their fortunes and livelihoods were being destroyed on a daily basis. Accordingly, the entire Christian community stood behind the Kataeb Party, and in one way or another, backed Bashir who was leading the resistance from within the Kataeb/LF. He was head of the Kataeb Security Council, (El- Majlis El-Harby) and Vice President of the Kataeb Ashrafieh District. Later on, after the liberation war of Tel Zaatar, he was appointed to lead the newly created Lebanese Forces, which became the Kataeb military arm. Bashir's position earned him the full support of Sheik Pierre Gemayel and the Kataeb Party, as well as the utmost backing of the Lebanese Front. Afterward, when Bashir launched his political career, he had already succeeded in many military victories, which proved his trustworthiness as well as his leadership skills. Therefore, opposing Bashir at that time meant opposing the entire Christian community and the sovereignty of Lebanon. In today's Nadim's case, the situation is much different. Despite the Syrian's grip over Lebanon, many do not believe that Lebanon's existence is threatened, (at least it doesn't appear that way to ordinary people.) Furthermore, despite the oppression imposed by their Syrian/Lebanese Mokhabarat, the Lebanese cities and towns are not being bombed by the Syrian and Palestinian artilleries. Moreover, the Christians are not being kidnapped, raped, or killed in broad light situations. Therefore, as a community, the Christians do not sense a clear and present danger. In fact, many Christians feel safe and protected, while the threat against the rest is related to their political affiliation instead of their religious one. Therefore, the Christians deem the situation acceptable since it does not constitute a threat, which requires harmony and collective measures for resistance. Hence, their unity is absent and the need to support a leader like Nadim is considered unnecessary. Furthermore, Nadim does not have any military victories or experience, and he does not have any resistance sacrifices. Therefore, veterans of the Lebanese war, who are much older than Nadim, do not relate to him as a military colleague and, therefore, they do not accept or expect his leadership. To these veterans, Nadim is the son of their friend Bashir whom they love and admire-no less no more. They do not view him as the heir of Bashir, the leader or the hope. In addition, as mentioned earlier, Bashir began his leadership by confronting the real enemies of Lebanon and the Lebanese people, while Nadim is launching his career by confronting his own people in a small, and most probably, losing battle in the Baabda/Aley bi-election. Since this bi-election does not concern most Christians, at least not directly, and since the portrayed enemy of this battle is neither the Palestinians nor the Syrians, most Christians feel uncommitted to back Nadim in this minor cause. After all, the rival that Nadim is opposing and fighting is none other than the Lebanese Maronite, Henry Helou. Obviously, Mr. Helou poses no threat to the Christians or to the sovereignty of Lebanon. Meanwhile, his opposition, Aoun's candidate, Mr. Hikmat Deeb, that Nadim is supporting, does not hold the key to liberating the country from the Syrian oppression and occupation. Thus, Nadim's rally for support is not a life or death situation as in the war on Ashrafieh or Zahleh, which concerned most, if not all, Christians and which required their unity and support to Bashir. Another important point is Nadim's unexpected support of Aoun in the baabda/Aley bi-election, which occurred without any consideration to the stance of his family and colleagues. This behavior has become a question of trustworthiness. After all, Aoun, who launched a war of elimination against Bashir's organization in 1990, is now launching a similar one against Bashir's own family. Despite this fact, Nadim is supporting Aoun. In addition, unlike Bashir who was fighting the enemies of Lebanon, Nadim seems to have begun his "war" against his own family and colleagues. This is certainly the wrong target. Many colleagues have viewed such an act as a betrayal, while many others thought of Nadim as a loose canon. Nadim's irrational and inexplicable behavior will definitely backfire at him in the future. Joining alliances is a normal political activity. However, this does not apply to Nadim's support to Aoun. As a young inexperienced man in his first political public appearance, Nadim failed to portray himself as a leader equal to Aoun. This was obvious in the Kahaleh and Hadath rallies where Nadim spoke as one of Aoun's supporters. He presented himself like a follower rather than an independent leader with a distinguished character and a significant political agenda; a serious leadership flaw. As well, Nadim has created animosity and rivalry when he implicitly criticized prominent members of the opposition group of Qornet Shehwan. In this case, Nadim acted as the "puppet" that Aoun manipulated to strike inside the Gemayel family as well as the opposition. Allowing Aoun to use him is a serious critical thinking flaw on Nadim's part, which will complicate his political path, especially since he has no position in the Kataeb or in the LF parties to help him stand his ground. In fact, Nadim is simply an ordinary young man who is cashing in on the inherited credentials, achievements, and legacy of his father. This credit may have opened the door for him but it will not take him up the ladder of success unless he proves himself liable and worthy of people's trust. Otherwise, this inherited political credit will soon wear out, and the renewed "hope" will turn into a disappointment. It is certain that Nadim's "faut pas" is the result of bad advice given by bad advisors. He was rushed to launch his political career at the wrong time in the wrong place, and from the wrong platform aiming at the wrong target/s. In order for the young man to correct his mistake, it is essential that he disappears from the political scene at least until the elections of 2005. Then, he should reappear at the true platform of the resistance, in which his grandfather started and for which his father was martyred. Behind him, Nadim should make sure that his family and true friends stand, while above them all, a large picture of Sheikh Pierre and Sheik Bashir hangs. Last but not least, Nadim should make sure to receive the advice from his uncle; the veteran, and the most internationally recognized diplomat, President Amine Gemayel, who after all secured the election of his father. This is the true platform of resistance. This is the proper place for him to stand. Most certainly, this is the appropriate stage from which his tale should begin-right where his father's story ended. Otherwise, Nadim, whose trustworthiness and rational thinking is now questionable, will fall through the same crack, in which his cousin Paul Gemayel fell. Notwithstanding, if the Pope, the US administration, the Europeans, the Russians and the Arabs find a great value in discussing issues with President Amine Gemayel, shouldn't young and inexperienced Nadim? Pierre A. Maroun September 6, 2003 UPDATE: Nadim Bashir Gemayel has been appointed VP of the Kataeb District of Ashrafeyeh and launched his political activities from the same place and position of his great father President/Martyr Bashir Gemayel. CONGRATULATIONS! |
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